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分析:一国 两制与香港继续繁荣(中英双语)

青岛希尼尔 翻译咨询有限公司(www.)整理发布   2015-11-17

  

青岛希尼尔翻译公司( www.)2015年11月17日了解到:是否保留 殖民时代的邮筒,长期以来是集邮爱好者们讨论的话题,但只有在麻烦越来越多的香港,才会引发一场愈演愈烈,牵扯到身份认同、独立和政府执政能力等问题的政治争议。Preservation of colonial-era postboxes has long been a topic of debate among philatelists, but only in the increasingly troubled city of Hong Kong could it cause a simmering political dispute enveloping issues of identity, independence and incompetence.
Some 18 years after Hong Kong was handed back to China from British control, the government has decided to cover up the royal insignia on the territory’s 59 remaining colonial postboxes on the grounds that they are an “inappropriate” symbol of the past. 自英国将香 港主权移交给中国后,差不多18年过去了, 香港政府决定把尚存的59个殖民期邮 筒上面的英国皇家徽号遮盖起来,理由是这些邮筒是代表过去的“不合时宜”的象征。

Coming after one Chinese official reminded Hong Kongers of the limitations of self-rule and another blamed the territory’s woes on its failure to decolonise, the plan sparked a backlash. 一位中国内 地官员提醒香港人,香港的自治是有局限的。还有一位官员将香港的困境归咎于未能“去殖民化”。在内地方面释出这样的言论之后,邮筒事件在香港引发了强烈反弹。

The government’s critics were motivated less by a love of the boxes than by the belief that this was another instance of kowtowing to Beijing and undermining the “high degree of autonomy” promised Hong Kong by China in 1997. 人们在此事 上批评香港政府,主要不是出于对这些邮筒的热爱,而是因为他们认为这是又一个事例,证明港府对北京方面唯命是从,1997年北京方面 对香港许下的“高度自治”承诺被违背了。

From the postbox affair to the debacle over a new electoral system to the row over academic freedom at the University of Hong Kong, people are increasingly split into pro and anti-Beijing camps. 从邮筒风波 到选举改革问题,再到围绕香港大学(University of Hong Kong)学术自由的 争议,香港民众日益分裂成亲北京和反北京两个阵营。

“Hong Kong is more politically divided than ever, and the dividing issue is the attitude to our motherland,” says Regina Ip, a pro-Beijing lawmaker and member of the executive council. “To a lot of our young people, it seems that China’s economic rise has benefited only some.” “香港的政 治分化比以往任何时候都严重,造成分化的问题是对我们祖国的态度,”亲北京的香港立法会议员、香港行政会议非官守成员叶刘淑仪(Regina Ip)表示,“对 我们的很多年轻人来说,中国的经济崛起似乎只让部分人受益。”

What many share is a lack of faith in the ability of the “one country, two systems” arrangement to deliver the political, economic and social change needed to keep this city of 7m people thriving. 许多人不相 信“一国两制”安排能够带来必要的政治、经济和社会变革,从而使这个有700万人口的城 市继续繁荣发展。

The malaise afflicting Hong Kong was underlined by corruption charges brought against former chief executive Donald Tsang after an investigation into his links to the city’s tycoons. 针对前特首 曾荫权(Donald Tsang)的腐败指控 突显了香港存在的弊病。此前有关机构对曾荫权与香港本地商业大亨的关系进行了一项调查。

All three post-handover leaders of Hong Kong have seen their careers tarnished. 香港主权移 交后的三任特首的政治生涯都有了污点。

Mr Tsang’s predecessor, Tung Chee-hwa, the territory’s first post-handover chief executive, resigned in 2005 after his leadership was criticised in Hong Kong and Beijing. 曾荫权之前 的首任特首董建华(Tung Chee-hwa)因领导能力 遭到香港和内地的批评,于2005年辞职。

C.Y. Leung, the incumbent, is flagging in opinion polls and his government sparked one of the most potent street protest movements in China since the Tiananmen massacre in 1989. 现任特首梁 振英(C.Y. Leung)在民调中的 支持率越来越低,他领导的这届政府曾引发了自1989年“天安门 事件”以来中国规模最大的游行抗议活动之一。

Whatever their leadership foibles, the chief executives’ woes are as much symptoms of Hong Kong’s difficulties as they are causes. With Beijing fearful of threats to the sovereignty of “One China”, it was never going to give Hong Kong citizens total freedom to pick their own leader or allow chief executives, who are banned from joining political parties, to build their own support vehicles. That leaves them without legitimacy in the eyes of many. 不管这些特 首的领导能力有什么不足,他们的问题既是香港困境的一个征象,也是香港困境的原因。北京方面担心“一个中国”主权受到威胁,永远不会赋予香港市民选择自己领导人的完全自由,也不会允许不得加入政治党派的特首发展自 己的支持力量。很多人因此认为香港特首不具有合法性。

“One country, two systems was always going to be a fudge,” says Steve Vickers, who led the criminal intelligence bureau of the Hong Kong police in the colonial era. “China is a one-party state ruled by the Communist party and Hong Kong is an open society with a free press and different values, but one is bigger than the other.” “一国两制 始终是空言,”曾在殖民地时期担任香港警方刑事情报科负责人的韦启贤(Steve Vickers)表示,“中 国是共产党执政的一党制国家,而香港是一个开放社会,拥有言论自由和不同的价值观,但两者规模不一样。”

This compromise was less problematic when Beijing took a hands-off approach in the years after 1997 and Hong Kong boomed on the back of China’s economic miracle. 在1997年之后的许 多年里,北京方面采取不干涉态度,同时香港也在中国经济奇迹的带动下蓬勃发展,在那段时期,这种妥协没有什么大问题。

But it is under ever greater strain now that political and personal tensions between Hong Kongers and mainlanders are growing, China’s economy is slowing and many feel that the good years lined the pockets of property tycoons while driving up the cost of living for everyone else. 但随着香港 与内地之间的政治和个人紧张关系加剧、中国内地经济放缓,加上很多人认为繁荣时期只有房地产大亨发了财,却推高了其他所有人的生活成本,这种妥协受到越来越大的压力。

Hong Kong’s politicians are not rising to the challenge. In the legislative council recently, a pro-democracy lawmaker ended a rant about Mr Leung selling out Hong Kong to the mainland by asking him: “When will you die?” 香港政治人 士没有挺身应对这种挑战。在最近一次立法会答问大会上,一位支持民主的立法会议员高声指责梁振英背叛香港,最后问他“你几时死?”。

Mr Leung responded by citing a line from Mao Zedong: “Having too many grumbles is bad for your health.” 梁振英引用 毛泽东的诗句回答:“牢骚太盛防肠断。”


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